Portraits dating from 1500 1750 Sex chat with girls online without video without registration

This list is divided alphabetically into four roughly equal parts: A-D, E-J, K-P, and R-Z. “‘I Herd an Harping on a Hille’: Its Text and Context.” . Since many of the women she describes are orthodox, this book also illustrates the range of belief and practice along the continuum from orthodox to heterodox. [In response to the increasingly interdisciplinary study of Lollardy, Forrest explores how “lollard studies” have diverged from the disciplinary study of medieval history. “Heresy Inquisition and Authorship, 1400-1560.” Flannery and Walker 130-145. “Trying Testimony: Heresy, Interrogation and the English Woman Writer, 1400—1670.” Ph. It argues that women writers turned discourses meant to incriminate them to their own instructional purposes. 1438), Protestant reformer Anne Askew (d.1546), and Quakers Katherine Evans (d.1692) and Sarah Cheevers (fl. “The very shape of what emerged as ‘Lollardy,’ as well as ‘orthodoxy,’ was determined by the very rich . [Ghosh analyzes the combination of scholastic discourse and anti-academic polemic in a Wycliffite treatise on the Eucharist (De oblacione iugis sacrifcii), placing the treatise in the context a larger fifteenth-century debate over the appropriate method and style for theological writing, given its widening audience.] —. Wyclif did not summarily dismiss the contents of those thirteenth- and fourteenth-century collections of papal letters which began with Gregory IX’s 1234 Liber Extra. Scattergood argues that Cole probably dates the text too early.] —. [Scattergood examines ways in which, unlike other lollards, Oldcastle “was a special case. “An English Version of Some Events in Bohemia During 1434.” . [While this book does not discuss Wyclif or his contemporaries directly, it gives a very helpful discussion of many of this issues, such as the varieties and effects of different kinds of pardons, which play out in the texts of the later fourteenth century.] Shagan, Ethan. Therefore, it concerns political as well as religious history, since it asserts that, even at the popular level, political and theological processes were inseparable in the sixteenth century.”] Shepherd, Stephen. The paper distinguishes two common medieval notions of a universal, the Aristotelian/ Porphyrian one in terms of predication and the Boethian one in terms of being metaphysically common to many. The Secondary Sources are not subdivided by discipline because it has proven impossible to find categories which do anything but confuse rather than clarify the content of the sources. For more help, see Pitard, “A Selected Bibliography for Lollard Studies,” indexed under “Bibliographies and Indices” on the Bibliography of Primary Sources. Lollardy appears in the circle of readers around Margery de Nerford. Considering trends in scholarship on religious orthodoxy, the history of late medieval England, and the history of late medieval Europe, he proposes directions for future research.] —. 1663) show these women refashioning the courtroom audience into a congregation responsive to their clerical skills. [According to Ghosh, “one of the main reasons for Lollardy’s sensational resonance for its times, and for its immediate posterity, was its exposure of fundamental problems in late-medieval academic engagement with the Bible, its authority and its polemical uses. “Logic, Scepticism, and ‘Heresy’ in Early-Fifteenth Century Europe: Oxford, Vienna, Constance.” Denery, Ghosh, and Zeeman 261-83. “Wyclif and the Independence of the Church in England.” 95-119. “The Mole in the Vineyard: Wyclif at Syon in the Fifteenth Century.” Barr and Hutchinson 129-62. In fact, he thought certain texts were quite sound, and he conceded that the pope does have the right to pass laws for the good of the Church, providing that such statutes are in keeping with Holy Scripture. ” Erasing Oldcastle: Some Literary Reactions to the Lollard Rising of 1414.” . “A Wycliffite Bible Possibly Owned by Sir Henry Spelman and Ole Worm.” 55.3: (Sept. [“The article explores the probable provenance of MS 7 at Bridewell Library in Dallas, Texas. On neither approach does Wyclif ‘s theory of universals postulate new and non-standard entities besides those recognized by more usual versions of realism. [This book argues that documentary culture (including charters, testaments, patents and seals) enabled writers to think in new ways about the conditions of textual production in late Medieval England. In particular, it discusses Jakob Wimpheling’s prefatory material to his edition of a medieval classic, Petrus Aureolus’s (1319), which is subtle and discriminating in its appreciation of the Ciceronian and Augustinian strands of Aureolus’s scholarship. an attempt to establish and unite a community of readers around his books, to influence and thus change the ways they understand their faith, the world, and their place in it. Broadly speaking, he gleans vernacular terms and arguments of recent coinage that represent valued practices within a community of practitioners who have distinguished themselves, for better and for worse, as innovators in English. “Childhood, Pedagogy, and the Literal Sense: From Late Antiquity to the Lollard Heretical Classroom.” Scase, Copeland, and Lawton 125-156. “Toward a Social Genealogy of Translation Theory: Classical Property Law and Lollard Property Reform.” Beer 173-183. “Sophistic, Spectrality, Iconoclasm.” Dimmick, Simpson, and Zeeman 112-130. He wants to examine these three topics together because “they all speak to those criteria which are essential for constituting a genuine pope as opposed to a mere pretender” (141). Rather than being a simple tale of heresy and orthodoxy, therefore, this late medieval conflict turned on the question of professional expertise, rights and responsibilities.”] —. The book describes a progression through chapters on Wyclif, Woodford, Netter, Hussite controversies, and Gerson.] —. The Lollard Attribution of the ‘Diuers treateses of Joh. Furthermore, they developed the metaphor in a new way that provided a positive alternative for the illiterate, arguing that the simple and unlearned read not from the book of art but rather from the natural world around them.”] —. “Hot Literacy in Cold Societies: A Comparative Study of the Sacred Power of Writing.” , and Walter Brut’s self-defense at his trial–to “explore the cultural implications of the apocalyptic political expectations and geography” which they exemplify (96). It is argued that the structural and textual development of the tables testifies to a gradual loss of Wycliffite ideological control over the use and design of the English tables of lections. ) Production Under the Looking Glass: The Case of Columbia University, Plimpton Add. Note that much recent work building on Peterson has been published by, especially, Siegfried Wenzel. “Le Prédications Popularies: Les Lollards et le soulèvement des travailleurs angalis en 1381.” demonstrates that Chaucer is very attentive to contemporary political debates. “A New Language of Authority: The Growth of Vernacular Religious Literacy in England during the Later Middle Ages.” Ph D diss. This subjectivity, which makes the Tale similar to other contemporary mystical and devotional texts, defines its distinct vernacularity in contrast to contemporary Lollard texts. “The World Made Flesh: Wycliffite Hermeneutics, Pedagogy, and Polemic.” Ph. This dissertation seeks to examine and describe just such a context, focusing not so much on Wycliffite activity as it does on the rationale that undergirds that activity. “Devotional Literature and Lay Spiritual Authority: Imitatio Clerici in . She notes that at the time that these models were being developed in the later fourteenth century Wyclif was critiquing the traditional orders and “advocated a radical form of identity between lay and priestly practice” (xii). Her conclusion considers several fifteenth-century manuscripts containing these works to show how later compilers envisioned the use of these texts in the wake of Arundel.] Richardson, H. Wimpheling’s defence of scholastic dialectic was grounded in what he believed to be dialectical tactics used by Christ, St. [Abstract: “Campbell argues that Pecock’s fascinating attempt to educate the laity is . The aim of Pecock’s educational project is to harness the power of texts to effect religious change. This is, in other words, Chaucer aligning himself with his contemporaries in ways quite different from both his crypto-, but mostly passive-aggressive, gestures toward Gower or Langland and from his curt and jocund references to “Lollere[s],” the contemporary pejorative term for Wycliffites. [Cole connects Wycliffism with the early humanists, using the term “ecclesiastical humanism” to “account for some of the institutional settings within which humanist activity flourished after new classical texts from the continent began to circulate in England in the first quarter of the fifteenth century” (426). [Copeland explores accusations of “sophistry” leveled by Wyclif and Lollards against their opponents, describing the academic erudition behind the accusation while also noting how it positions them as academic outsiders.] —. The General Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible and Augustine’s prologue to the short exposition on Matthew to illustrate the emphasis lollards placed on educating the laity to read and interpret scripture.] Corbellini, Sabrina. According to Levy, Wyclif “derided a corrupt electoral process only to put forward an almost mystical procedure in its place. “The Literal Sense of Scripture and the Search for Truth in the Late Middle Ages.” Revue D’histoire Ecclésiastique 104.3-4 (2009): 783-827. [Compares ways that Chaucer depicts the Pardoner as a “false prophet” with ways that he studiously avoids letting the Parson be labeled as one; both depictions are haunted by the shadow of lollardy.] Mc Cue, James F. “The Dissemination of Wyclif’s Ideas.” Hudson and Wilks 361-68. “De Heretico Comburendo, 1401.” Aston and Richmond 112-126. “John Scarle: Ambition and Politics in the Late Medieval Church.” Clark, Jurkowski, and Richmond 68-93. – in terms of their literary form, content and appeal rather than their relationship to Rolle’s biography. [“Discusses the boundaries between heresy and orthodoxy in England during the late Lollard period. wiclife in English’ (John Rylands Library, English MS 85).” 83.1 (2001): 89-102. “The perfect ‘sumtyme,’ the ‘nowe’ time and the ‘ende’ time: The Driving Force Behind Lollard Reformism? “Lollard Language in the Croxton Play of the Sacrament.” 13 (2003): 359-70. “The Illustrations of Corpus Christi College MS 32: ‘Þe glose in Englissche Tunge.'” Clark, Jurkowski, and Richmond 37-67. Her examination of Brut argues that he “uses the new idea of history that emerges from this crisis [of the impossibility of secular, linear historical writing demonstrated in the considers how the surviving English theatrical works of the fifteenth century represent competing practices of interpretation. A previously unpublished Wucliffite texts related to his qustion is included in appendix B.” The text in Appendix B is from BL Egerton 618, ff. Such attention to contemporary buzzwords and sociolects in his poetry moves readers beyond merely an ironic Chaucer, in which we read him for the “false surface and the underlying (ironic) truth” (102). The essay argues that Chaucer’s depiction the seemingly Lollard characteristics which surround the Parson can be best clarified by making more precisely clear the linguistic mode of the “vernacular.” The contrast between the tale’s content and context makes it the most vivid example of Chaucer’s argument for the possibility of a vernacular that might carry linguistic authority.] Plumb, Derek. I will argue that Wycliffite theory regarding the eucharist is the exegetical key to understanding their approach to pedagogical and polemical practice and to understanding the response of the church to Wycliffite heterodoxy, for it represents a fundamental point of conflict between Wycliffite and orthodox ideology. [“This chapter examines three episodes from the life of the Blessed Virgin which Thomas Netter uses to illustrate various points in his arguments with the Lollards” (335).] —. According to the abstract, “from his death in 1430 until the middle of the eighteenth century, Netter was a much-quoted and copied author whose exposition of Catholic teaching on subjects such as the Church, religious life, and the sacraments proved useful to many Counter-Reformation polemicists and apologists. [Aers is primarily concerned with Langland, but uses Lollardy at several points. “John Wyclif: Poverty and the Poor.” 17 (2003): 55-72. The evidence that the prominent English Wycliffe and a leader of the Hussite movement in Bohemia, Peter Payne, stayed among them between 14 is also reviewed. “Material language practice” includes various choices writers make (about diction, genre, etc.), and Barr examines a variety of texts to show how later medieval writers deployed these practices to produce social commentary. “The Deafening Silence of Lollardy in the Digby Lyric.” Bose and Hornbeck 243-260. [“Walter Burley (1275-c.1344) and John Wyclif (1328-1384) follow two clearly stated doctrinal options: on the one hand, they are realists and, on the other, they defend a correspondence theory of truth that involves specific correlates for true propositions, in short: truth-makers. If God could separate accidents from their proper substances, make Christ’s body appear like mere bread, Wyclif doubts we could ever be sure of anything. [Based on comments in the Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible, Dove describes the Lollards’ biblical agenda as threefold: “to enable simple people to have the Bible (or access to it), to understand it, and to live in accordance with it.” This essay primarily discusses the issue of understanding scripture, comparing statements on literal and figurative interpretation in the Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible with other Middle English treatises on biblical translation, including The Holi Prophete Dauid.] Doyle, A. “Books Connected with the Vere Family and Barking Abbey.” n.s. “Heresy and Literacy: Evidence of the Thirteenth-century Exempla.” Biller and Hudson 104-111. “Richard Rolle’s English Psalter and the Making of a Lollard Tract.” 33 (2002): 294-309. The article suggests that modern readers are unfamiliar with mysticism and that college students would be better served to learn about both authors in a British literature survey course. “Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 647 and its Use, c.1410-2010.” In . [Wyclif was well acquainted with the medieval traditions of just war and crusading articulated by theologians and canon lawyers. [Minnis finds insufficient influence of Nominalism (defined as modern critics have used the term) on Chaucer. [Considers two questions asked of Brut, “whether women are suitable ministers to confect the sacrament of the Eucharist,” and “whether women confect or can confect as true priests the sacrament of the Eucharist” (92). “Translation Strategies in Middle English: The Case of the Wycliffite Bible.” , arguing that they “serve as a call to conversion” (24). “Conciliarism and Heresy in England.” Gillespie and Ghosh 155-165. “The Comparative Mobility and Immobility of Lollard Descendants in Early Modern England.” Spufford 309-31. [Staley’s fascinating work on the relationship between history and literature in the later middle ages turns here to reading, as she says, “the ways in which late-fourteenth-century English writers used, analyzed, and altered the languages of power. [Stanbury begins with Knighton’s description of the 1382 Lollard burning of an statue of St. [Stavsky examines how Wyclif and Wycliffite writers explicated and employed the story of Susanna and the Elders, paying special attention to the politics of such writing, especially manifested in their images of community. This book is the first survey of the whole of the and it argues that there is more to Netter than anti-Lollard polemic. Aers argues that “we must be careful not to read with the prejudice that it must fit an ‘orthodoxy’ shaped by the Church’s war to eliminate Wycliffite inflections of Christianity. [The essay, a contribution to a special section on “Langland and Lollardy,” argues that, contrary to opinion of some scholars, Langland and Wyclif didn’t entirely agree on the subjects of evangelical poverty and attention to the contemporary poor. [Aers begins with orthodox accounts of the sacrament of the altar in order to think about the place of sanctification and signs in works by William Langland, John Wyclif, Walter Brut, and William Thorpe. The author concludes by exploring when the Hussites ceased to exist as a discrete cultural community in Moldavia.”] —. [Barr examines literary texts “as examples of socioliterary practice. [Barr examines the noteworthy absence of references to Lollardy in an early fifteenth-century series of lyric poems extant in Bodleian Library MS Digby 102. 92, a collection he compiled of work by John Tarteys, Robert Allington, William Milverly, Richard Lavenham, and a few anonymous tracts. Both characteristics are interdependent: such a conception of truth requires a certain kind of ontology. All natural knowledge, perhaps even all religious knowledge, would be lost. [Richard Rolle’s English Psalter was frequently copied and, by the early fifteenth century, was a source of religious controversy, as one writer complained that Lollard scribes had contaminated an otherwise orthodox text by introducing heretical glosses. Also evaluated is the benefit of studying Kempe alongside “The Wife of Bath’s Tale,” by Geoffrey Chaucer.”] Hall, L. ,’ Lollard Socio-textual Ideology, and Ricardian-Lancastrian Prose Translation.” Copeland 244-263. Yet he had become disillusioned with a Christian society that exploited these traditions to pursue destructive policies of repression and conquest, thereby forsaking the eternal Law of Christ. Langland’s consideration of Nominalism, especially concerning baptism and Trajan, is more ambiguous, though Minnis believes that Langland “avoided both Neopelagianism and Wycliffite predestinarianism by constructing a Trajan who is given full credit for his ‘truthe’ yet needs some help from a saint” (64). Minnis uses these to consider “the formulation of one issue which arose in the course of the debate: the proposed connection between two ways in which Christ’s body was made, through conception and through confection” (94). .’: Walter Brut in Debate on Women Priests.” Barr and Hutchinson 229-49. [The starting point for Minnis’s discussion is Donatism–whether a priest in sin can even so validly perform sacraments. There is no need for the saying of banns, the presence of a priest, or, indeed, for the expression of vows by the couple who are joining together in holy matrimony. She emphasizes that this is a work of spiritual instruction, in which Kempe’s oral learning is presented during the accusations. [This essay touches on Lollardy only briefly, but serves to place it within the larger range of sermon studies in the last quarter century. [To understand Gascoigne’s pessimism about reform, Russell asks whether “the English ever placed their hopes in the efficacy of the general council as a reforming body.” Focusing primarily on Netter’s . Moreover, I seek to understand the nuances and purposes of courtly address by reading literary works within the contexts of historical and explicitly political texts that sought to organize and define the events of the age and by using literary works to provide a context for those events we call ‘history.’ This book isolates and traces what is an actual search for a language of power during the reign of Richard II and scrutinizes the ways in which Chaucer and other writers participated in these attempts to articulate the concept of princely power” (ix). Katherine to argue for a materialist consideration of “the relationship between the image debate as it developed in later fourteenth-century England and the circulation or entailment of images as forms of property. Two key chapters in the book for the study of Wycliffite texts are chs. [Arnold argues that, “on the basis of some lexical and manuscript analysis, that there is a greater influence of continental inquisitorial discourse on English heresy prosecutions than has been previously recognized. [According to the abstract, “this dissertation recovers Shakespeare’s Sir John Falstaff as a politically radical character, linked to Jack Cade and the plebian revolutionaries of 2 Henry VI , and to 16th-century radical-egalitarian movements including Anabaptism and the “Family of Love.” Working from the earliest texts dealing with Sir John Oldcastle, Falstaff’s historical precedent, this work explores the radical potential of reform beginning with the work of the late-14th-century Oxford theologian John Wyclif. Introducing a radical new understanding of these plays as ‘sacramental theater,’ Beckwith shows how organizing the plays served as a political mechanism for regulating labor, and how theater and sacrament combined in them to do important theological work. But if words do have to be pronounced, then the appropriate formula should not be in the present, but in the future. Warham’s policy combined anti-heresy activity with attempts at clerical reform. Her appendices alone are included on the Bibliography of Primary Sources. “Vernacular Books in England in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries.” 91 (1921): 59-77. “The Significance of the Lollard Bible: The Ethel M. Wyclif’s deepest reasons for rejecting orthodox Eucharist theology really only begin to make sense against this broader background of theological debate.] Despres, Denise. The author concludes that, while manuscript variation undoubtedly raised suspicion, the “heresy” of the English Psalter should also be seen as the product of historical change, as an ambitious vernacular text collided with a church hierarchy that was increasingly aware of the need of-and difficulty in-controlling any authoritative religious text in English.] Gwynn, A. [“In this paper, the process of the merger [between religious and secular authority to defeat the social threat of Lollardy] will be examined through: an analysis of Lollard doctrine and the resultatnt activities that held inherent social implications; the allegations made by the movement’s enemies that created fear in the secular community that Lollardy was a threat to social regulation and harmony; and the resultant legislative changes which finally categorised Lollardy as subversion.”] Hague, Dyson. Even where a nation might have a just claim, the better path is always the way of Christ, suffering evil patiently rather than inflicting sufferings upon one’s neighbor.] —. According to Levy’s abstract for this article, “John Wyclif envisioned an ideal church that could be created in his own day, based on the model of the earliest apostolic community depicted in the New Testament. “Acts of Vagrancy: The C Version ‘Autobiography’ and the Statute of 1388.” Justice and Kerby-Fulton 208-317. Minnis describes several responses by Woodforde to this. [Ng argues that “what is most significant in this history [of the Reformation] is the continuity from the late medieval to the early modern period of the subversiveness of translation, when possession of the vernacular scripture could condemn one as a heretic and vernacular writings other than scripture were perceived as dangerous, always potentially heretical. This has a number of implications for how one might reconsider the English trial evidence, some of which are briefly explored in the essay.”] Asaka, Yoshiko. She argues, for instance, that the theology of Corpus Christi in the resurrection plays can only be understood as a theatrical exploration of eucharistic absence and presence. In the following, I shall discuss Wyclif’s arguments by comparing them with some other medieval positions, as well as with some elements of contemporary theories of speech acts. [This is a study of Walsingham, not just a historican but also a classical scholar. Moreover, he sought to publicize and publicly refute the errors of the heretics, eschewing show trials and burnings. Wood Lecture Delivered before the University of London on 13 March, 1951.” Pamphlet. in 1413 in order to articulate his criticism of the Christian community of his day and the proclaim his evangelical vision of the Church. in 1550 because he was a follower of heretic John Wyclif, whose teachings were similar to beliefs expounded in the poem. The church of the late fourteenth century would come to resemble the ecclesia primitiva, a poor communion of fellow workers marked by charity and humility. One of them is to say, with a reductive literalism, that “Tobit had a dog” is not conducive to salvation (48).] —. The subversiveness of translation arises not only out of its status as a heretical text or its use to mount challenges to clerical and secular political authority.

[Bradley argues for more attention to religious experience in the study of vernacular theology and models such study with his comparative reading of Love’s . Fifteenth Century Bristol and Lollard Reconsidered.” Clark 43-62. “‘But and Alle Thingus in Mesure, and Noumbre, and Peis Thou Disposedist’: Some Notes on the Role of Wisdom 11, 21 in Wyclif’s Writings.” Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie Médiévales 80.1 (2013): 109-143. She discusses Walter Brut’s use of Mary Magdalene “in his defense of women’s ability–and right–to preach as well as perform other priestly sacraments” (142), and argues that “Late medieval religious politics–of gender, preaching, and the vernacular–unquestionably shadow the public teaching of the Digby play’s Mary Magdalene” (147).] Collinson, P. Starting from the main thesis of Wyclif’s metaphysics, that the universal and individual are really identical but formally distinct, Oxford Realists introduced a new type of predication, based on a partial identity between the entities for which the subject and predicate stood, called predication by essence, and then redefined the traditional post-Aristotelian categories of essential and accidental predication in terms of this partial identity. “Exegesis of the End: Limitations of Lollard Apocalypticism as Revealed in a Commentary on Matthew 24.” 23.4 (Dec. [Abstract: “Lollard writing is characterised by a preoccupation with the end times, but the kind of eschatological mindset the texts reflect has become a matter of some debate. The book is a comparative study, drawing from a variety of unpublished commentaries as well as more familiar works by Nicholas of Lyra, John Wyclif, Jean Gerson, Denys the Carthusian, Wendelin Steinbach, Desiderius Erasmus, Philip Melanchthon, and John Calvin.”] —. [This essay analyzes Middle English sermons on the Parable of the Labourers in the Vineyard, pointing out common interpretations in Lollard and mainstream sermons, including Mirk’s Festial and Wimbledon’s Sermon, that encourage workers to remain within a three-estates model. Rashdall’s history, though, remains helpful because in his notes and his Appendices he refers to many original documents.

Betteridge considers several lollard sermons and the 29.3 (June, 1951): 402-19. “‘Deep is the Heart of Man, and Inscrutable’: Signs of Heresy in Medieval Languedoc.” Barr and Hutchinson 267-80. His theological, legal and political vision of restoring original justice through the spiritual reality and sanctity of persona humana in every man, as well as in the community, by the law of love and the use and enjoyment of dominion in community, is conveyed through abundant quotes from his works.”] Borinski, Ludwig. Following up this suggestion, this article argues that Pecock’s concern with literary and theological method is part of an attempt to recover (and “translate” into a vernacular setting) the vitality of academic discussions from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a period during which the role of argumentation in theology still required explicit consideration and some defence. “Religion and the English Nobility in the Later Fourteenth Century.” . Clerics were not opposed to liturgical representations in churches, but they strove ardently to suppress May games, ludi, festivals, and liturgical parodies. “‘The workman is worth his mede’: Poverty, Labor, and Charity in the Sermon of William Taylor.” . “Authority and the Compiler in Westminster Cathedral Treasury MS 4: Writing a Text in Someone Else’s Words.” . Yet, unlike Ockham, but similar to Marsilius, he did not concede to the papacy the plenitude of power. One significant difference, however, is the way in which reformers in the two periods used the commonplace saying that images are “laymen’s books.” The Lollards, even those who were the most outspoken critics of images, used Gregory the Great’s metaphor to support their positions. “‘First is writen a clause of the bigynnynge therof’: The Table of Lections in Manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible.” 24-25 (2005-06): 343-78. In addition to outlining this broader phenomenon, he analyzes polemical comments in the Bible thought to be owned by Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester (London, British Library, MS Egerton 618) that challenge the sainthood of many canonized by the church.] —. At the same time, she argues that “the laity, despite Duffy’s ‘traditional’ epithet, was far from passive in its religious choices” (3). The study covers a wide range of topics, including religious practices (e.g., marriage) as well as pressing religious issues of the time (the saints, the Old Testament). “‘I Promise a Penny that I do not Promise’: The Realist/Nominalist Debate Over Intentional Propositions in Fourteenth Century British Logic and Its Contemporary Relevance.” 11.4 (Dec. [“The influence of the Lollard movement on the Scottish Reformation was pointed out by John Knox in the sixteenth century; and in the latter part of the nineteenth century the same point was stressed by the Historiographer Royal for Scotland, P. Yet in spite of such illustrious advocacy, with one or two minor exceptions, little attention has been paid to the Wycliffite tradition in fifteenth century Scotland.

[Biller examines the heresies of Languedoc, via several question lists use to interrogate suspected Waldensians, in order to uncover the motivations of the questioners; the nature of the 26 (1995): 135-52. Such concerns culminated in Aquinas’s “rhetorical” sensibility, his engagements with “rational persuasion,” his concern with effective methods of disputation with heretics and infidels and his appreciation of the value of “rationes” in theological discourse.] —. Medieval drama, then, stemmed from a more vernacular tradition than previously acknowledged-one developed by England’s laity outside the boundaries of clerical rule. [This book is about the place of pedagogy and the role of intellectuals in medieval dissent. In order to gain a more complete understanding of Wyclif’s views one must study his place within the exegetical tradition of such important biblical passages as Matthew 16.18-19 and Galatians 2.11-14.” —. is that Wyclif consistently championed the role of the theologian, as opposed to the canon lawyer, in determining questions of papal aptitude. According to the abstract, “What separated them was not the recognition of authority as such, but rather the correct application of that authority. In the 1530s the English reformers used the commonplace in similar ways, but by the 1540s they had rejected it altogether. [Most research on Lollard writings has been targeted at the Wycliffite Bible, the sermons, to the detriment of shorter treatises. [According to Peiloka, “This articles discusses the Middle English tables of lections (tabulae lectionun, capitularis lists of periocopes) – liturgical referential tools found in almost one hundred later-fourteenth / early-fifteenth-century manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible. “Tables of Lections in Manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible.” Poleg and Light 351-378. “Manuscript Paratexts in the Making” British Library MS Harley 6333 as a Liturgical Compilation.” Corbellini, Hoogvliet, and Ramakers 44-67. “Antiquity, Eternity, and the Foundations of Authority: Reflections on a Debate between John Wyclif and John Kenningham, O. London: Society for the Promoting of Christian Knowledge, 1884. Her study emphasizes the development of Christocentric piety during the period, and how this “intersected with the devotional needs of a parish religion in which mystical ecstasy, and ideas of the individual as the bride of Christ, were less important than the pastorally inspired concerns of moral teaching [ . She uses Churchwardens’ accounts, chapel wall paintings, and contemporary texts as sources. Falstaff, Martin Marprelate, and the Staging of Puritanism.” . [This volume was published to coincide with the anniversary of the 1604 Hampton Court conference, which decided to create the King James translation. It has generally been taken for granted that the Lollards were unimportant and possessed little or no influence. [This is a general introduction to Wyclif and Lollardy. Rex controversially argues that Wyclif and the Lollards were far less important than historians and literary critics have often claimed.”] —. From the abstract: “This article re-examines the record and argues that it has been misread.

He emphasizes continuities in the two works’ pastoral aims, countering Nicholas Watson’s assertion that the two works address lay readers in contrasting ways.] —. [This book considers the relationship between the church, society and religion across five centuries of change. [The essay discusses Wyclif’s use of Wisdom , a passage of scripture that, according to Campi, Wyclif regarded as “the most difficult verse in the whole of scripture…due to the theoretical content it conveys, which relates to the issue of the creative, legislative and redemptive order imposed by God.”] —. Sharpe substantially shares the metaphysical view and principles of the other Oxford Realists, but he elaborates a completely different semantics, since he accepts the nominalist principle of the autonomy of thought in relation to the world, and Ockham’s explanation for the universality of concepts. This article seeks to shed some light on this issue through an analysis of the text “Of Mynystris in the Chirche,” a commentary on Matthew 24 and one of the longest Lollard discussions of the Bible’s eschatological prophecies. Raschko examines how the Lollard writers direct this conventional social model to reformist ends.] —.

“The Letter of Richard Wyche: An Interrogation Narrative.” PMLA 127.3 (2012): 626-642. Brown examines how the teachings of an increasingly universal Church were applied at a local level and how social change shaped the religious practices of the laity. of the New Testament, in the Scottish dialets, in the possession of Lord Amherst of Hackne, on examination proves to be a Scottish rescension of Wyclif’s version.”] Bruce, Frederick F. “‘In ipso sunt idem esse, vivere, et intelligere’: Notes on a Case of Textual Bricolage.” pertaining to divine being, life, and thought. Unfortunately, this semantic approach partially undermines his defence of realism, since it deprives Sharpe of any compelling semantic and epistemological reasons to posit universalia in re. “Annihilatio e divina onnipotenza nel Tractatus de universalibus di John Wyclif.” Brocchieri and Simonetta 71-85. “Categories and Universals in the Later Middle Ages.” In Lloyd A. as an anti-Lollard critique by showing how artisans and Lollards were seen as reflections of each other.] Copeland, Rita. Specifically, this article points to a correspondence between a tension at the heart of Lollard attitudes to the theory and practice of scriptural exegesis and a tension at the heart of Lollard perspectives on end times events. “Oon of Foure: Harmonizing Wycliffite and Pseudo-Bonaventuran Approaches to the Life of Christ.” Johnson and Westphall 341-373.

Search for portraits dating from 1500 1750:

portraits dating from 1500 1750-49portraits dating from 1500 1750-84portraits dating from 1500 1750-79

Full copies of some out-of-copyright texts are now available for download on this list. Sizes of downloads are given in megabytes (mb) at the end of the entry. Whatever its fate as a religious movement, it had successfully changed the intellectual landscape of England.”] —. [Rather than seeking after a doctrinally discrete group, Ghosh asks “whether it would be possible to identify a set of religio-intellectual interests pointing, not exactly towards a definitively outlined ‘heretical’ profile perhaps, but nevertheless to a more or less coherent , characterized pre-eminently by an intelligent and informed criticism of authority. As opposed to earlier theories of the relation of the liberal arts to philosophy, which argued that the arts were “remedial,” the means by which “the ‘reasonable’ human soul is led to recognize itself and its origins, from which it has been separated” by the fall (255, 253). In describing that influence, he asserts that intellectuals after Arundel’s time shared an interest in reform with the earlier followers of Wyclif at Oxford, although the two groups disagreed on the means for that reform. “The Geography of Dissent: Lollardy, Popular Religion, and Church Reform in Late Medieval York.” Ph. The north did, in fact, develop a different religious culture from the south. “Grace and Freedom in the Soteriology of John Wyclif.” 60 (2005): 279-337. For Wyclif, the universal is numerically identical with its singulars, but numerical identity is governed by something weaker than the indiscernibility of identicals.”] Spencer, Helen Leith. [On the heresy of Dominican Richard Helmsley, condemned in Newcastle-upon-Tyne in 1385. Furnivall’s Last Fling: The Wyclif Society and Anglo-German Scholarly Relations, 1882-1992.” 65.272 (2014): 790-811. [From the abstract: “In Forschungen zum ‘Ackermann aus Böhmen’ (1930), Alois Bernt writes that every literary work is influenced by the time in which it was written. In addition, he uses John Wiclef’s key term—the right to property—as an interpretation of the right to possess one’s own life.”] Stevenson, Joseph. Within the chapter on the heretics, she argues that “both texts construct textual identities whose exemplary behavior in the face of imprisonment and persecution is designed to encourage other Lollards in the firmness of their beliefs, and convince [them] of the corruption of the Church. Sutherland illuminates the complicated and very self-aware stand the work’s author takes on the problem of translation.] Swanson, R. Swanson observes that the volume “would provide a channel for Wycliffite ideas to spread in the area; but that the volume was meant to join the chapel possessions suggests that it was not seen .

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

One thought on “portraits dating from 1500 1750”